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Moroccan Arabic or Darija (in Morocco known as الدارجة, Eddarija, ; Berber: Eddarija or Taɛrabt) is the variety of Arabic spoken in Morocco. For official communications, the government and other public bodies use Modern Standard Arabic (which is not spoken in daily life and is used only in written documents and TV news). A mixture of written Arabic and French or Spanish is used in business and banking. Moroccan Arabic belongs to the Maghrebi Arabic dialect continuum and is mutually intelligible to some extent with Algerian and Tunisian Arabic dialects. However, Moroccan Arabic has a strong presence in Moroccan TV entertainment, cinema, and commercial advertising. Moroccan Arabic shows a strong historical and linguistic Berber influence on it.
Moroccan Arabic is considered a spoken variety of Arabic and not a separate language, despite some efforts of some Moroccan enthusiasts to establish it as a language independent from Arabic. Superficially, Moroccan Arabic (or perhaps a combined Moroccan–Tunisian–Algerian or "Maghrebi" Arabic) may appear to be a separate language; thorough study shows many common points between Maghreb dialects and dialects of the east, though they are hardly mutually intelligible; North African Arabic is a good example of a dialect continuum in which clear boundaries cannot be drawn. For example, Moroccan Arabic is similar to Algerian Arabic, which is similar to Tunisian Arabic, which is similar to Libyan Arabic, and so on, but by jumping over a dialect to the next, intelligibility challenges arise quickly. So, Moroccan Arabic and Algerian Arabic are not mutually intelligible with Middle Eastern Arabic dialects like Egyptian Arabic, Arabian Arabic, and Syrian Arabic, in the same way as French, Spanish and Italian are all descended from dialects of Latin but are separate languages within the family of Romance languages.
Like other spoken varieties (dialects), Moroccan Arabic is rarely used in literature and lacks prestige compared to Standard Arabic (al-foṣḥaa). Moroccan Arabic continues to evolve by integrating French or Spanish words, notably in technical fields, or by replacing old French and Spanish ones with Standard Arabic words within some circles.
Darija (which means "current") can be divided into two groups:
A similar phenomenon can be observed in Algerian Arabic and Tunisian Arabic but to a lesser extent.
Moroccan Arabic, like many other forms of Arabic, is mutually unintelligible with some varieties, particularly other Maghrebi varieties. Moroccan Arabic is grammatically simpler and has a less voluminous vocabulary than Classical Arabic, supplemented by Berber, French and Spanish loanwords. There is a relatively clear-cut division between Moroccan Arabic and Standard Arabic, and many Moroccans do not understand Modern Standard Arabic, although Moroccan Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic are grammatically simpler. Depending on cultural background and degree of literacy, those who do speak Modern Standard Arabic may prefer to use Arabic words instead of their French or Spanish borrowed counterparts, while upper and educated classes often speak Modern Standard Arabic with more French and Spanish loanwords and adopt code-switching between French or Spanish and Moroccan Arabic (or Modern Standard Arabic). As elsewhere in the world, how someone speaks and what words or language they use is often an indicator of their social class.
One of the most notable features of Moroccan Arabic is the collapse of short vowels. Initially, short /ă/ and /ĭ/ were merged into a phoneme /ə/ (however, some speakers maintain a difference between /ă/ and /ə/ when adjacent to pharyngeal /ʕ/ and /ħ/). This phoneme was then deleted entirely in most positions; for the most part, it is maintained only in the position /...CəC#/ or /...CəCC#/ (where C represents any consonant and # indicates a word boundary), i.e. when appearing as the last vowel of a word. When /ə/ is not deleted, it is pronounced as a very short vowel, tending towards [ɐ] in the vicinity of emphatic consonants, [a] in the vicinity of pharyngeal /ʕ/ and /ħ/ (for speakers who have merged /ă/ and /ə/ in this environment), and [ɪ] elsewhere. Original short /ŭ/ usually merges with /ə/ except in the vicinity of a labial or velar consonant. In positions where /ə/ was deleted, /ŭ/ was also deleted, and is maintained only as labialization of the adjacent labial or velar consonant; where /ə/ is maintained, /ŭ/ surfaces as [ʊ]. This deletion of short vowels can result in long strings of consonants (a feature shared with Berber and certainly derived from it). These clusters are never simplified; instead, consonants occurring between other consonants tend to syllabify, according to a sonorance hierarchy. Similarly, and unlike most other Arabic dialects, doubled consonants are never simplified to a single consonant, even when at the end of a word or preceding another consonant.
Some dialects are more conservative in their treatment of short vowels. For example, some dialects allow /ŭ/ in more positions. Dialects of the Sahara, and eastern dialects near the border of Algeria, preserve a distinction between /ă/ and /ĭ/ and allow /ă/ to appear at the beginning of a word, e.g. /ăqsˤărˤ/ "shorter" (standard /qsˤərˤ/), /ătˤlăʕ/ "go up!" (standard /tˤlăʕ/ or /tˤləʕ/), /ăsˤħab/ "friends" (standard /sˤħab/).
Long /a/, /i/ and /u/ are maintained as semi-long vowels, which are substituted for both short and long vowels in most borrowings from Modern Standard Arabic (MSA). Long /a/, /i/ and /u/ also have many more allophones than in most other dialects; in particular, /a/, /i/, /u/ appear as [ɑ], [e], [o] in the vicinity of emphatic consonants, but [æ], [i], [u] elsewhere. (Most other Arabic dialects only have a similar variation for the phoneme /a/.) In some dialects, such as that of Marrakech, front-rounded and other allophones also exist. Allophones in vowels usulally do not exist in loanwords.
Emphatic spreading (i.e. the extent to which emphatic consonants affect nearby vowels) occurs much less than in many other dialects. Emphasis spreads fairly rigorously towards the beginning of a word and into prefixes, but much less so towards the end of a word. Emphasis spreads consistently from a consonant to a directly following vowel, and less strongly when separated by an intervening consonant, but generally does not spread rightwards past a full vowel. For example, /bidˤ-at/ [bedɑt͡s] "eggs" (/i/ and /a/ both affected), /tˤʃaʃ-at/ [tʃɑʃæt͡s] "sparks" (rightmost /a/ not affected), /dˤrˤʒ-at/ [drˤʒæt͡s] "stairs" (/a/ usually not affected), /dˤrb-at-u/ [drˤbat͡su] "she hit him" (with [a] variable but tending to be in between [ɑ] and [æ]; no effect on /u/), /tˤalib/ [tɑlib] "student" (/a/ affected but not /i/). Contrast, for example, Egyptian Arabic, where emphasis tends to spread forward and backward to both ends of a word, even through several syllables.
Emphasis is audible mostly through its effects on neighboring vowels or syllabic consonants, and through the differing pronunciation of /t/ [t͡s] and /tˤ/ [t]. Actual pharyngealization of "emphatic" consonants is weak and may be absent entirely. In contrast with some dialects, vowels adjacent to emphatic consonants are pure; there is no diphthong-like transition between emphatic consonants and adjacent front vowels.
Moroccan Arabic is rarely written (most books and magazines are in French, Spanish, or Modern Standard Arabic; most Qur'an books are written in French, Spanish, Classical Arabic, or Modern Standard Arabic), and there is no universally standard written system.[6] There is also a loosely standardized Latin system used for writing Moroccan Arabic in electronic media, such as texting and chat, often based on sound-letter correspondences from French ('ch' for English 'sh', 'ou' for English 'u', etc.) and using numbers to represent sounds not found in French or English (2-3-6-7-9 used for ق-ح-ط-ع-ء). It is extremely rare to find Moroccan Arabic written in the Arabic script, which is reserved for Standard Arabic. However, most systems used for writing Moroccan Arabic in linguistic works largely agree among each other, and such a system is used here.
Long (aka "stable") vowels /a/, /i/, /u/ are written a, i, u. e represents /ə/ and o represents /ŭ/ (see section on phonology, above). ă is used for /ă/ in speakers who still have this phoneme in the vicinity of pharyngeal /ʕ/ and /ħ/. ă, ĭ, and o are also used for ultra-short vowels used by educated speakers for the short vowels of some recent borrowings from MSA.
Note that in practice, /ə/ is usually deleted when not the last vowel of a word, and hence some authors prefer a transcription without this vowel, e.g. ka-t-ktb-u "You're (pl) writing" instead of ka-t-ketb-u. Others (like Richard Harrell in his reference grammar of Moroccan Arabic) maintain the e; but it never occur in an open syllable (followed by a single consonant and a vowel). Instead the e is transposed with the preceding (sometimes geminated) consonant, which ends up following the e; this is known as inversion.
y represents /j/.
ḥ and ` represent pharyngeal /ħ/ and /ʕ/.
ġ and x represent velar /ɣ/ and /x/.
ṭ, ḍ, ṣ, ẓ, ṛ, ḷ represent emphatic /tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, zˤ, rˤ, lˤ/.
š, ž represent hushing /ʃ, ʒ/.
All Moroccan Arabic speakers, in the territory which was previously known as French Morocco, also practice code-switching (moving from Moroccan Arabic to French and the other way around as it can be seen in the movie Marock). In the northern parts of Morocco, as in Tangier, it is common for code-switching to occur between Moroccan Arabic and Spanish, as Spain had previously controlled part of the region, and also continues to possess the territories of Ceuta and Melilla in North Africa bordering only Morocco. On the other hand, some Arab nationalist Moroccans, generally attempt to avoid French and Spanish in their speech, consequently, their speech tends to resemble old Andalusian Arabic.
Moroccan Arabic is grammatically simpler and has a less voluminous vocabulary than Classical Arabic. It has also integrated many Berber, French and Spanish words. Spanish words typically entered Moroccan Arabic earlier than French ones. Some words might have been brought by Moriscos who spoke Andalusi Arabic which was influenced by Spanish (Castilian), an example being the typical Andalusian dish Pastilla. Other influences have been the result of the Spanish protectorate in Spanish Morocco. French words came with the French protectorate (1912–1956). Recently, young Moroccans have started to use English words in their dialects.
There are noticeable lexical differences between Moroccan Arabic and most other dialects. Some words are essentially unique to Moroccan Arabic: e.g. daba "now". Many others, however, are characteristic of Maghrebi Arabic as a whole, including both innovations and unusual retentions of Classical vocabulary that has disappeared elsewhere such as hbeṭ' "go down" from Classical habaṭ. Others distinctives are shared with Algerian Arabic such as hḍeṛ "talk", from Classical hadhar "babble" and temma "there" from Classical thamma.
There are a number of Moroccan Arabic dictionaries in existence, including (in chronological order):
Some of these loans might have come through Andalusi Arabic brought by Moriscos when they were expelled from Spain following the Christian Reconquest or, alternatively, date from the time of the Spanish Protectorate in Morocco.
These words are used in several coastal cities across the Moroccan coast like Oualidia, El Jadida, and Tangier)
Note: All the sentences are written according to the transcription used in Richard Harrell, A Short Reference Grammar of Moroccan Arabic:
The regular Moroccan verb conjugates with a series of prefixes and suffixes. The stem of the conjugated verb may change a bit depending on the conjugation. Example:
The stem of the Moroccan verb for "to write" is kteb.
The past tense of kteb "write" is as follows:
I wrote: kteb-t
You wrote: kteb-ti
He/it wrote: kteb (kteb can also be an order to write, e.g.: kteb er-rissala: Write the letter)
She/it wrote: ketb-et
We wrote: kteb-na
You (pl) wrote: kteb-tu
They wrote: ketb-u
Note that the stem kteb turns into ketb before a vowel suffix, due to the process of inversion described above.
The present tense of kteb "write" is as follows:
I'm writing: ka-ne-kteb
You're (masculine) writing: ka-te-kteb
You're (feminine) writing: ka-t-ketb-i
He's/it's writing: ka-ye-kteb
She's/it's writing: ka-te-kteb
We're writing: ka-n-ketb-u
You're (pl) writing: ka-t-ketb-u
They're writing: ka-y-ketb-u
Note that the stem kteb turns into ketb before a vowel suffix, due to the process of inversion described above. Between the prefix ka-n-, ka-t-, ka-y- and the stem kteb, an e vowel appears, but not between the prefix and the transformed stem ketb, due to the same restriction that produces inversion.
In the north, "you're writing" is always ka-de-kteb, regardless of whom you are speaking to. This is also the case of de in de-kteb, as northerners prefer to use de and southerners prefer using te. Instead of the prefix ka, some speakers prefer the use of ta (e.g. ta-ne-kteb "I'm writing"). The co-existence of these two prefixes is due to historical differences. In general ka is more used in the north and ta in the south. In some regions like the east (Oujda) the majority of speakers don't use any preverb (ne-kteb, te-kteb, y-kteb, etc.).
To form the future tense, just remove the prefix ka-/ta- and replace it with the prefix ġa-, ġad- or ġadi instead (e.g. ġa-ne-kteb "I will write", ġad-ketb-u (north) or ġadi t-ketb-u "You (pl) will write").
For the subjunctive and infinitive, just remove the ka- (e.g. bġit ne-kteb "I want to write", bġit te-kteb "I want you to write").
The imperative is conjugated with the suffixes of the present tense but without any prefixes or preverbs:
kteb "Write! (masc. sing.)"
ketb-i "Write! (fem. sing.)"
ketb-u "Write! (pl.)"
One characteristic of Moroccan syntax which it shares with other North African varieties as well as some southern Levantine dialect areas is in the two-part negative verbal circumfix /ma-...-ʃi/. (In many regions, including Marrakech, the final /i/ vowel is not pronounced, so it just becomes /ma-...-ʃ/.)[7]
/ma-/ comes from the Classical Arabic negator /ma/. /-ʃi/ is a development of Classical /ʃayʔ/ "thing". The development of a circumfix is similar to the French circumfix ne ... pas, where ne comes from Latin non "not" and pas comes from Latin passus "step". (Originally, pas would have been used specifically with motion verbs, as in "I didn't walk a step", and then was generalized to other verbs.)
The negative circumfix surrounds the entire verbal composite including direct and indirect object pronouns:
Note that future-tense and interrogative sentences use the same /ma-...-ʃi/ circumfix (unlike, for example, in Egyptian Arabic). Also, unlike in Egyptian Arabic, there are no phonological changes to the verbal cluster as a result of adding the circumfix. In Egyptian Arabic, adding the circumfix can trigger stress shifting, vowel lengthening and shortening, elision when /ma-/ comes into contact with a vowel, addition or deletion of a short vowel, etc. However, none of these occur in Moroccan Arabic (MA):
Negative pronouns such as walu "nothing", ḥta ḥaja "nothing" and ḥta waḥed "nobody" could be added to the sentence without ši as a suffix.
Examples:
Note: wellah ma-ne-kteb could be a response to a command to write kteb, while wellah ma-ġa-ne-kteb could be an answer to a question like waš ġa-te-kteb? "Are you going to write?"
In Moroccan Arabic, the word order doesn't change for negative questions in the northern parts of Morocco, but in the western areas and other regions, the word order is preferably changed. The pronoun waš could be added in the beginning of the sentence, although it rarely changes the meaning of it. The prefix ma can rarely be removed when asking a question in a fast way.
A ka can be added in the beginning of the sentence when asking a question in an angry or surprised way. In this case, waš can't be added.
Verbs in Arabic are based on a consonantal root composed of three or four consonants. The set of consonants communicates the basic meaning of a verb. Changes to the vowels in between the consonants, along with prefixes and/or suffixes, specify grammatical functions such as tense, person and number, in addition to changes in the meaning of the verb that embody grammatical concepts such as causative, intensive, passive or reflexive.
Each particular lexical verb is specified by two stems, one used for the past tense and one used for non-past tenses along with subjunctive and imperative moods. To the former stem, suffixes are added to mark the verb for person, number and gender, while to the latter stem, a combination of prefixes and suffixes are added. (Very approximately, the prefixes specify the person and the suffixes indicate number and gender.) The third person masculine singular past tense form serves as the "dictionary form" used to identify a verb, similar to the infinitive in English. (Arabic has no infinitive.) For example, the verb meaning "write" is often specified as kteb, which actually means "he wrote". In the paradigms below, a verb will be specified as kteb/ykteb (where kteb means "he wrote" and ykteb means "he writes"), indicating the past stem (kteb-) and non-past stem (also -kteb-, obtained by removing the prefix y-).
The verb classes in Arabic are formed along two axes. The first or derivational axis (described as "form I", "form II", etc.) is used to specify grammatical concepts such as causative, intensive, passive or reflexive, and mostly involves varying the consonants of a stem form. For example, from the root K-T-B "write" is derived form I kteb/ykteb "write", form II ketteb/yketteb "cause to write", form III kateb/ykateb "correspond with (someone)", etc. The second or weakness axis (described as "strong", "weak", "hollow", "doubled" or "assimilated") is determined by the specific consonants making up the root—especially, whether a particular consonant is a W or Y—and mostly involves varying the nature and location of the vowels of a stem form. For example, so-called weak verbs have a W or Y as the last root consonant, which is reflected in the stem as a final vowel instead of a final consonant (e.g. rˤma/yrˤmi "throw" from R-M-Y). Meanwhile, hollow verbs are usually caused by a W or Y as the middle root consonant, and the stems of such verbs have a full vowel (/a/, /i/ or /u/) before the final consonant, oftentimes along with only two consonants (e.g. ʒab/yʒib "bring" from ʒ-Y-B).
When speaking of the weakness axis, it is important to distinguish between strong, weak, etc. stems and strong, weak, etc. roots. For example, X-W-F is a hollow root, but the corresponding form II stem xuwwef/yxuwwef "frighten" is a strong stem. In particular:
In this section all verb classes and their corresponding stems are listed, excluding the small number of irregular verbs described above. Verb roots are indicated schematically using capital letters to stand for consonants in the root:
Hence, the root F-M-L stands for all three-consonant roots, and F-S-T-L stands for all four-consonant roots. (Traditional Arabic grammar uses F-ʕ-L and F-ʕ-L-L, respectively, but the system used here appears in a number of grammars of spoken Arabic dialects and is probably less confusing for English speakers, since the forms are easier to pronounce than those involving /ʕ/.)
The following table lists the prefixes and suffixes to be added to mark tense, person, number and gender, and the stem form to which they are added. The forms involving a vowel-initial suffix, and corresponding stem PAv or NPv, are highlighted in silver. The forms involving a consonant-initial suffix, and corresponding stem PAc, are highlighted in gold. The forms involving no suffix, and corresponding stem PA0 or NP0, are unhighlighted.
The following table lists the verb classes along with the form of the past and non-past stems, active and passive participles, and verbal noun, in addition to an example verb for each class.
Notes:
Example: kteb/ykteb "write"
Some comments:
Example: kteb/ykteb "write": non-finite forms
Example: dker/ydker "mention"
This paradigm differs from kteb/ykteb in the following ways:
Reduction and assimilation occur as follows:
Example: xrˤeʒ/yxrˤoʒ "go out"
Example: beddel/ybeddel "teach"
Boldfaced forms indicate the primary differences from the corresponding forms of kteb, which apply to many classes of verbs in addition to form II strong:
Example: sˤaferˤ/ysˤaferˤ "travel"
The primary differences from the corresponding forms of beddel (shown in boldface) are:
Example: ttexleʕ/yttexleʕ "get scared"
Weak verbs have a W or Y as the last root consonant.
Example: nsa/ynsa "forget"
The primary differences from the corresponding forms of kteb (shown in boldface) are:
Example: rˤma/yrˤmi "throw"
This verb type is quite similar to the weak verb type nsa/ynsa. The primary differences are:
Verbs other than form I behave as follows in the non-past:
Hollow have a W or Y as the middle root consonant. Note that for some forms (e.g. form II and form III), hollow verbs are conjugated as strong verbs (e.g. form II ʕeyyen/yʕeyyen "appoint" from ʕ-Y-N, form III ʒaweb/yʒaweb "answer" from ʒ-W-B).
Example: baʕ/ybiʕ "sell"
This verb works much like beddel/ybeddel "teach". Like all verbs whose stem begins with a single consonant, the prefixes differ in the following way from those of regular and weak form I verbs:
In addition, the past tense has two stems: beʕ- before consonant-initial suffixes (first and second person) and baʕ- elsewhere (third person).
Example: ʃaf/yʃuf "see"
This verb class is identical to verbs such as baʕ/ybiʕ except in having stem vowel /u/ in place of /i/.
Doubled verbs have the same consonant as middle and last root consonant, e.g. ɣabb/yiħebb "love" from Ħ-B-B.
Example: ħebb/yħebb "love"
This verb works much like baʕ/ybiʕ "sell". Like that class, it has two stems in the past, which are ħebbi- before consonant-initial suffixes (first and second person) and ħebb- elsewhere (third person). Note that /i-/ was borrowed from the weak verbs; the Classical Arabic equivalent form would be *ħabáb-, e.g. *ħabáb-t.
Some verbs have /o/ in the stem: koħħ/ykoħħ "cough".
As for the other forms:
"Doubly weak" verbs have more than one "weakness", typically a W or Y as both the second and third consonants. This term is in fact a misnomer, as such verbs actually behave as normal weak verbs (e.g. ħya/yħya "live" from Ħ-Y-Y, quwwa/yquwwi "strengthen" from Q-W-Y, dawa/ydawi "treat, cure" from D-W-Y).
The irregular verbs are as follows:
In general, Moroccan Arabic is one of the most innovative (in the technical sense of "least conservative") of all Arabic dialects. Nowadays Moroccan Arabic continues to integrate new French words, mainly technological and modern words. However, in recent years constant exposure to revived classical forms on television and in print media and a certain desire among many Moroccans for a revitalization of an Arab identity has inspired many Moroccans to integrate words from Standard Arabic, replacing their French or Spanish counterparts or even speaking in Modern Standard Arabic while keeping the Moroccan accent to sound less pedantic. This phenomenon mostly occurs among literate people.
Though rarely written, Moroccan Arabic is currently undergoing an unexpected and pragmatic revival. It is now the preferred language in Moroccan chat rooms or for sending SMS, using Arabic Chat Alphabet composed of Latin letters supplemented with the numbers 2, 3, 5, 7 and 9 for coding specific Arabic sounds as is the case with other Arabic speakers.
The language continues to evolve quickly as can be noted when consulting the Colin dictionary. Many words and idiomatic expressions recorded between 1921 and 1977 are now obsolete.
While being a natural localization of Classical Arabic for geographic and historical reasons, as French has evolved from Vulgar Latin, Moroccan Arabic is considered as a language of low prestige whereas it is Modern Standard Arabic that is used in more formal contexts. While Moroccan Arabic is the mother tongue of nearly twenty million people in Morocco it is rarely used in written form. This situation may explain in part the high illiteracy rates in Morocco.
This situation is not specific to Morocco but occurs in all Arabic-speaking countries. The French Arabist William Marçais coined in 1930 the term diglossie (diglossia) to describe this situation, where two (often) closely related languages co-exist, one of high prestige (the standard language), which is generally used by the government and in formal texts, and one of low prestige, which is usually the spoken vernacular tongue.
There exists some poetry written in Moroccan Arabic like the Malhun. In the troubled and autocratic Morocco of the 70s (known as the years of lead), the legendary Nass El Ghiwane band wrote beautiful and allusive lyrics in Moroccan Arabic which were very appealing to the youth even in other Maghreb countries.
Another interesting movement is the development of an original rap music scene, which explores new and innovative usages of the language.
The first known scientific productions written in moroccan arabic were released on the Web, early 2010, by moroccan teacher and physician Farouk Taki El Merrakchi. Three average size books dealing with physics and mathematics (Exemple here).[8]
There are now at least three Moroccan Arabic newspapers; their aim is to bring information to people with a low level of education. From September 2006 to October 2010, Telquel Magazine had a Moroccan Arabic edition Nichane. There is also a free weekly magazine that is entirely written in "standard" Moroccan dialect: Khbar Bladna, i.e. 'News of our country'.
French language, Colombia, Mexico, Nicaragua, Catalan language
Spanish language, Canada, France, Italian language, English language
Maltese language, Varieties of Arabic, Moroccan Arabic, Algerian Arabic, Tunisian Arabic
Algeria, Berber languages, French language, Arabic, Maghrebi Arabic
Madrid, Andalusia, Portugal, European Union, Barcelona
Moroccan Arabic, Egyptian Arabic, Levantine Arabic, Tunisian Arabic, Maghrebi Arabic
Quran, Egyptian Arabic, Maltese language, Saudi Arabia, Islam
Literature, Berber languages, Morocco, Al-Andalus, Moroccan Arabic
Arabic language, Morocco, Berber languages, Rabat, Moroccan Arabic
English language, Italian language, Sicilian language, Semitic languages, Malta