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Deep state

 

Deep state

The deep state (Turkish: derin devlet) is alleged to be a group of influential anti-democratic coalitions within the Turkish political system, composed of high-level elements within the intelligence services (domestic and foreign), Turkish military, security, judiciary, and mafia.[1][2] The notion of deep state is similar to that of a "state within the state". For those who believe in its existence, the political agenda of the deep state involves an allegiance to nationalism, corporatism, and state interests. Violence and other means of pressure have historically been employed in a largely covert manner to manipulate political and economic elites and ensure specific interests are met within the seemingly democratic framework of the political landscape.[3][4] Former president Süleyman Demirel says that the outlook and behavior of the (predominantly military) elites who constitute the deep state, and work to uphold national interests, are shaped by an entrenched belief, dating to the fall of the Ottoman Empire, that the country is always "on the brink".[5]

The ideology of the deep state is seen by leftists as being anti-worker or ultra-nationalist; by Islamists as being anti-Islamic and secularist; by ethnic Kurds as being anti-Kurdish, and by liberal democrats as anti-democratic and anti-liberal.[6] As pointed out by former prime minister

  • The Rise and Decline of the Turkish “Deep State”: The Ergenekon Case. An academic article by Serdar Kaya published at the journal Insight Turkey
  • Derin Devlet. A series of articles in the daily Sabah featuring interviews with Süleyman Demirel and Kenan Evren.
  • The documentary that revealed Ergenekon at Google Videos, presented by Can Dündar. 40 Dakika, Show TV. 7 January 1997. (Turkish)
  • U.S. Embassy Ankara, http://www.wikileaks.ch/cable/2002/11/02ANKARA8252.html# 2002 cable on Deep state

External links

  1. ^ a b  
  2. ^ Jones, Gareth (2005-11-20). "Bombing throws spotlight on Turkey".  
  3. ^ Gorvett, Jon (November 2006). "Bombing Campaign a Response to Ankara’s Kurdish Policies, or 'Deep State' Plot?". Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (American Educational Trust): 44–45. Retrieved 2006-12-21. Yet speculation is rife as to who might really be behind the group. 
  4. ^ Yavuz, Ercan (2008-01-11). "‘Deep state’ suspects’ release arouses deep suspicions".  
  5. ^ Türköne, Mümtaz'er (2005-04-29). "Derin devlet ve Kuvva-yı Milliye". Zaman (in Turkish). Retrieved 2008-12-22. Bu korkunun arkasında ise Osmanlı Devleti'nin dağılması var. Cumhuriyeti kuranlar ordu mensupları ve Demirel onlarda bu korkunun hakim olduğunu söylüyor. Bu korkuya "hufre-i inkıraz" (uçurumun kenarına gelme korkusu) veya "pençe-i izmihlal" (çöküşün pençesinde olma) deniyormuş. Osmanlı Devleti'nin çöküş hikayesinden hafızalara kazınan bu korku devletteki işlerin önemli faktörlerinden biri. Demirel, adeta bir paranoya halini anlatıyor. 
  6. ^ Dogan, Yonca Poyraz (2008-03-10). "PKK won't die off as long as deep state is alive".  
  7. ^ Pamir, Balcicek (2005-04-11). "'"Durup dururken 'derin devlet.  
  8. ^ Beki, Mehmet Akif (1997-01-17). "Whose gang is this?".  
  9. ^ Jenkins, Gareth (2008-10-03). "The Impact of the Ergenekon Investigation on Turkish Counterterrorism Operations". Terrorism Monitor ( 
  10. ^ Söylemez, Haşim (2008-12-03). "Ergenekon dünkü çocuk, Öcalan derin devletin adamıdır". Aksiyon (in Turkish) 726. Retrieved 2008-12-03. Derin devletin kendi içinde de çelişkileri vardır. Ergenekon derin devletin bir parçası ama bugün yargılanıyor. Çünkü derin devlet kendisinden olan bir kesimi dışlamak, atmak istiyor. Bunun için deşifre ediyor. 
  11. ^ Söyler, Mehtap, "Informal institutions, forms of state and democracy: the Turkish deep state", Democratization, Volume 20, Issue 2, 2013 , 310-334.
  12. ^ "Turkey determined to purge its Gladio".  
  13. ^ a b c Sazak, Derya (2006-01-09). Özel Harp', TSK'nın otoritesini de sarstı"'".  
  14. ^ Turgut, Pelin (2008-01-28). "Turkey Busts Alleged Murder Network". TIME. Retrieved 2008-08-12. Most Turks have long suspected the existence of a covert web of elements within the security forces and bureaucracy who act outside the law to uphold their own political ends. There is even a household name for it: the 'deep state,' referring to a state within the state. 
  15. ^ Finkel, Andrew (2007-02-22). "Think tank declares war on ‘deep state’".  
  16. ^ "What is the Deep State? | On Religion – The UK's first magazine about faith, religion and society". onreligion.co.uk. Retrieved 2014-09-14. 
  17. ^  
  18. ^ Özbek, Öner (2008-10-13). "Tarihimizden bir derin çete tetikçisi: Kabakçı Mustafa".  
  19. ^  
  20. ^ Bovenkerk, Frank; Yeşilgöz, Yücel (2004). "The Turkish Mafia and the State" (PDF). In Cyrille Fijnaut, Letizia Paoli. Organized Crime in Europe: Concepts, Patterns and Control Policies in the European Union and Beyond.  
  21. ^ Kilic, Ali Aslan (2008-07-30). "Ergenekon-type organizations benefited from atmosphere of clashes".  
  22. ^ Özbek, Öner (2008-09-11). "Yakup Cemil: Devlet içinde devlet olan adam".  
  23. ^ Skinner, Anthony (2008-05-01). "Turkey's darkest shadow". The Middle East. Retrieved 2009-01-01.  (original)
  24. ^ Uğur, Fatih (2008-07-21). "Ulusalcılık ve Ergenekon, İttihatçılıktır".  
  25. ^ Uğur, Fatih (2008-07-21). "Ay ışığında İttihat gölgesi".  
  26. ^ a b c d Mercan, Faruk (2006-01-09). "İlk Özel Harpçi Orgeneral".  
  27. ^ a b Duzel, Nese (2008-01-28). "2009’da kıyamet gibi kan akacaktı".  
  28. ^  
  29. ^ a b İnsel, Ahmet. "Rutininde İç Düşman Olan Devlet," Birikim, March 2000, Vol. 131, quoted pp.56-58 of the 1998 Report from the Human Rights Foundation of Turkey
  30. ^ Lucy Komisar, Turkey's terrorists: a CIA legacy lives on, The Progressive, April 1997
  31. ^ Dündar, Can (2006-01-05). "Kontrgerilla kontratakta...".  
  32. ^ a b Dündar, Can (2006-01-08). Özel Harp'çinin tırmanış öyküsü"'".  
  33. ^ "111. Birleşim". Tutanak (in Turkish) ( 
  34. ^ Kenan Evren'in Anıları. Istanbul 1990, p. 431: "Başbakan Süleyman Demirel, Özel Harp Dairesi'ndeki personeli teröristlerle mücadelede kullanmamızı ve onlarla çete savaşı yaparak öldürmemizi, vaktiyle de bu teşkilatın böyle kullanılmış olduğunu söyledi. 1971 sıkıyönetim dönemindeki Kızıldere olayında kullanılan personeli kastediyordu. Bu hal tarzına şiddetle karşı çıktım. Genelkurmay Başkanı olduktan sonra bu daireyi esas görevine yönelttiğimi tekrar kontrgerilla söylentileri istemediğimi söyledim."
  35. ^ Polat, Fatih (2006-01-18). "Özel Harp ve karanlık olaylar". Evrensel (in Turkish). Retrieved 2008-07-02. Evren, 'Ben izin vermedim ama haberim olmadan belki bazı olaylarda kullanılmıştır' dedi. Bu başlık, Türkiye'nin en çok tirajlı gazetesi Hürriyet'in 26 Kasım 1990 tarihli sayısının manşeti. 
  36. ^ a b c Yusuf Kanlı (2007-01-29). "The Turkish deep state".  
  37. ^ Nur Batur, Murat Yetkin, Fikret Bila (2005-04-18). "Demirel: Derin devlet askerdir". Radikal (in Turkish). Retrieved 2008-10-11. Derin devlet, devletin kendisidir. Askerdir, derin devlet. Cumhuriyet'i kuran askerler, devletin yıkılmasından daima korku duyar. Halk bazen sağlanan hakları suiistimal eder, yürüyüş hakkı verildiğinde gidip cam çerçeveyi indirerek, polisle çatışır. Derin devlete ülkenin muhtaç olması, ülkenin yönetilememesinden kaynaklanır.
    Derin devlet şu anda devrede değil. Derin devlet, kanaatlerine göre, devleti yıkılma sınırına getirmediğiniz sürece hareket halinde değildir. Onlar ayrı bir devlet değil, ama devlete el koydukları zaman derin devlet olurlar.
     
  38. ^ "Süleyman Demirel: İki devlet var".  
  39. ^ Donat, Yavuz (2005-04-04). "Kenan Evren: Derin devlet... Evet... Var... Bir realite...". Sabah (in Turkish). Retrieved 2008-08-14. Sayın Demirel çok doğru söylüyor... Derin devlet bir realite... Devletin, devlet hakimiyetini kuramadığını gördü... Yönetimin zaaf sergilediği yerde derin devletin kendiliğinden devreye girmiş olduğunu anladı. 
  40. ^ Barlas, Mehmet (2007-01-29). "Osmanlı'da oyun bitmez – Derin Devlet".  
  41. ^ How deep is the deep state?, soL.
  42. ^ Altintas, E Baris (2008-08-20). "Intellectuals call for deepening of Ergenekon investigation".  
  43. ^ Acan, Necdet (2006-01-02). "CHP’li Özel Harpçiler".  
  44. ^ Human Rights Foundation of Turkey (HRFT): Annual Report 1997, ISBN 975-7217-22-0, in the Turkish version the quote is on p. 7
  45. ^ a b Hakan Aslaneli and Zafer F. Yoruk (1996-11-06). Traffic Monster' reveals state-mafia relations"'".  
  46. ^ Gunes Murat Tezcur, "Judicial Activism in Perilous Times," Law & Society Review 43(2) (June 2009): 302-336.
  47. ^ Şemdinli indictment: PDF, DOC (Turkish)
  48. ^ Tezcur, "Judicial Activism in Perilous Times," Law & Society Review, p. 329.
  49. ^ "Arslan: Hedefte Birand ve Erbil de vardı".  
  50. ^ Турция вскрыла пророссийское подполье.   (Turkey uncovers a pro-Russian underground. English translation courtesy Emil Lazarian)
  51. ^ Junta’s Cage Operation Action Plan against non-Muslims uncovered
  52. ^ AO/EU (2007-02-12). "Suspicious Robbery at ANKA News Agency Bureau".  

References

See also

Hrant Dink, an ethnic Armenian journalist was killed on 19 January 2007 outside the office of his newspaper Agos. The juvenile killer Ogün Samast was later arrested with the weapon in Samsun. After his arrest, a video clip was released showing him posing with two police officers in front of and holding the Turkish flag. Among the suspects believed to have assisted Ogün Samast was Erhan Tuncel. On 7 February 2007 the Anka news agency reported on the ties of Tuncel to nationalist circles and the fact that he had been working as a police informer and staff member of the Gendarmerie's intelligence service, JITEM.[52]

Hrant Dink assassination

Arslan claimed to have planned the assaults himself, however this was cast into doubt in 2007, when a gang allegedly conspiring to overthrow the Islamist-rooted Ergenekon's campaign to stoke division and unrest. The group's motives are currently unclear, but it has been said that they sought to sever Turkey's ties with the West; Russian ideologue Aleksandr Dugin described them as "pro-Russian".[50][51]

In 2006, a secularist judge in the Ülkü Ocakları named Alparslan Arslan said he had committed both crimes. Arslan added that the next targets were well-known journalist Mehmet Ali Birand and popular game show host Mehmet Ali Erbil.[49]

Assaults on Cumhuriyet and the Council of State

The stakes of the legal process suddenly increased when Prosecutor Ferhat Sarıkaya, who prepared the original indictment, alleged that there were connections between high-ranking military officers and suspects Gendarmerie Sergeants Ali Kaya, Özcan İldeniz and Veysel Ateş, the PKK turncoat; however his investigation was cut short. In reaction to this indictment,[47] the High Council of Judges and Prosecutors in the Ministry of Justice dismissed him from the profession and disqualified him from working as a lawyer. In September 2007, the case was transferred to a military court and the three suspects were released and returned to their official positions. The legal process following the incident showed that lower courts can play a crucial role in holding security forces responsible for human rights violations and provide access to politically weak groups despite the resistance of the high judiciary.[48] Yet the government failed to fulfill its initial promises and did not provide protection to the lower courts that remained under immense pressure from the high judiciary and military command.

On 9 November 2005 a bookstore was bombed in Şemdinli district, Hakkâri Province killing one man and injuring others. The owner of the bookstore spent fifteen years in prison for providing logistical help to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). This was eighteenth bombing in the province since July.[46] Local people caught the attackers who turned to be two non-commissioned army officers and a former PKK militant on the payroll of the Turkish Gendarmerie. The PKK turncoat threw two hand grenades into the bookstore. The incident attracted huge media attention and created a public uproar. In response, the government promised that all individuals responsible for the attack would be identified and punished. The three suspects were later charged, tried and convicted at a civilian court. They each received around 40 years of prison sentences.

Şemdinli incident

Nurullah Tevfik Agansoy, who was the hitman of one of the ülkücü ("idealist") mafia leaders, Alaattin Cakici, had made statements claiming the involvement of Ozal family in the Civangate scandal which led to a war of words between himself and Cakici. The duel was concluded in September this year in Bebek, Istanbul with Agansoy's assassination but the hitman's death only to lead more scandalous question marks. Two special protection officers of Deputy Prime Minister Ciller, who were with Agansoy during the incident were also killed in the shooting. Their presence has not been explained.[45][45]

A parliamentary investigation commission established after the accident published a 350-page report in April 1997. The Commission’s report maintained that the state organs used the Grey Wolves and that some state forces initiated the right-left conflicts in the 1970s.[44]

The Susurluk scandal developed after a car accident on 3 November 1996 near Mehmet Ağar of the True Path Party.

Susurluk scandal

A number of incidents have fueled the discussion on the deep state. Some of them have since been traced to the Counter-Guerrilla, which led a covert war against Communism. A few of the rest are:[43]

Incidents

The following clandestine organizations, some of which may be defunct, are sometimes associated with the deep state:

Organizations

Some see the Ergenekon investigations, under Erdogan's watch, as the execution of this purge.[42]

I don't agree with those who say the deep state does not exist. It does exist. It has always has—and it did not start with the Republic; it dates back to Ottoman times. It's simply a tradition. It must be minimized, and if possible even annihilated.[36][40][41]

The newest allegation comes from the current Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. In the television show İskele Sancak on Turkish TV channel Kanal 7 on 26 January 2007, he stated his belief in the existence of the deep state:

Former President Süleyman Demirel described the deep state as synonymous with the military,[36][37] and capable of subordinating the legitimate state in times of turbulence.[38] Kenan Evren himself confirmed the suspicions, in an interview with journalist Yavuz Donat.[39]

Former President and General Kenan Evren, who led the 1980 military coup related in his memoirs a meeting with the then-Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel on May 5, 1980, stating that Demirel asked him to use the staff of the ÖHD in the fight with the terrorists apparently hinting at the incident in Kizildere village on March 30, 1972. Kenan Evren refused stating that he would not allow renewed rumours about counter-guerrillas.[26][34] Kenan Evren made similar remarks in the daily Hürriyet of November 26, 1990.[35] Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Tansu Çiller embraced both "those who died for the state, and those who killed for the state" as heroes.[36]

[32] When Ecevit obliquely asked Yamak about the extent of the party's infiltration Yamak told him not to worry, as the "boys were upright and specially educated...does that not make them better members of parliament? Besides, have any of them been implicated in a scandal?"[26] In his memoirs, Yamak said that Ecevit's party itself contained ÖHD operatives, who were selected and educated at a young age by the chief of staff.[33][26] The first to publicly point at the existence of an influential, secret coalition, was Prime Minister

Hürriyet, 26 November 1990.

Acknowledgement of its existence

In 2008, dozens were indicted and arrested in the Ergenekon investigation for conspiring to oust the Justice and Development Party in 2009.[27]

Formations such as the "Sledgehammer" coup plan, but the details are unclear.

In 1992, the commander of the ÖHD, General Kemal Yilmaz declared that the special department was still active in the Kurdish–Turkish conflict.[30]

1990s onwards

Apart from Çatlı, ultra-nationalists used by the Turkish intelligence agencies included Mehmet Ali Ağca (who attempted to assassinate the Pope), Haluk Kırcı, İbrahim Çiftçi, Tugay Maraşlı, Yahya Efe, Oral Çelik, Mehmet Şener, Alaattin Çakıcı, Nurullah Tevfik Ağansoy, Ali Yasak, Abuzer Uğurlu, and Bekir Çelenk.[29] In the 1990s, these people, who maintained contacts among security forces, were involved in various illegal activities (including gambling, drug trafficking, and money laundering) which were uncovered during the 1996 Susurluk scandal.[29]

[28] Çatlı was seen in the company of Avanguardia Nazionale founder Stefano Delle Chiaie, while touring Latin America and on a visit to Miami in September 1982 .

Grey Wolves

Murat Belge of Istanbul Bilgi University says that the deep state became increasingly active during the multi-party period, as factions within the state vied for power.[27]

Speaking to Derya Sazak of the daily Milliyet, former Republican People's Party representative Süleyman Genç said that the ÖHD exerted such influence that it hampered the Turkish Armed Forces, and identified the ÖHD as the core of the deep state. Genç pressed for a parliamentary inquiry on the phenomenon in 1978, but party chairman and prime minister Bulent Ecevit insisted he drop the matter, after talking to the ÖHD chief, Kemal Yamak, who said that the ÖHD would not interfere in civilian affairs and that politicians should not probe further. Genç's house in Karyağdı Street, Ankara was subsequently bombed on 5 January 1979.[13]

After Special Warfare Department (Turkish: Özel Harp Dairesi, or ÖHD). The ÖHD, termed the "Turkish Gladio" by some,[13] was described by its former leader Kemal Yamak as a stay-behind resistance group.[26]

Counter-Guerrilla

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881–1938) availed himself of secret societies (the Sentinel Association, for example) that today would be considered special forces units to further the republican cause. Some hold that today's alleged deep state is a continuation of these societies.[1][24][25]

Conspiratorial coalitions became particularly active during the Committee of Union and Progress era (1889–1918), when they planned the deposition of the Sultan.[21] One infamous hitman, Yakup Cemil, was employed by the state, and shot on Enver Pasha's command after he was no longer needed.[22] Some say that these societies were instrumental in Turkification following the demise of the Ottoman Empire. The secret policy of Turkification was allegedly carried out by covert groups in order for its instigators not to be discovered.[23]

Turkish secret societies date back to the Ottoman Empire.[18][19] Sultan Selim III (reigned 1789–1807), for example, founded a secret committee, essentially a personal army to protect himself since he had been attacked following the wars against Russia and Austria of 1787 to 1792. Even his second-in-command, the Grand Vizier, remained unaware.[20]:594

Ottoman Empire

Background

Contents

  • Background 1
    • Ottoman Empire 1.1
    • Counter-Guerrilla 1.2
    • Grey Wolves 1.3
    • 1990s onwards 1.4
  • Acknowledgement of its existence 2
  • Organizations 3
  • Incidents 4
    • Susurluk scandal 4.1
    • Şemdinli incident 4.2
    • Assaults on Cumhuriyet and the Council of State 4.3
    • Hrant Dink assassination 4.4
  • See also 5
  • References 6
  • External links 7

More recently, the term 'deep state' has been used to describe politics in other nations including Egypt[16] and the United States.[17]

Many Turks, including elected politicians, have stated their belief that the "deep state" exists.[14][15]

[13][12]".Counter-Guerrilla, the "Operation Gladio Rumours of the deep state have been widespread in Turkey since Ecevit's term as prime minister in the 1970s, after his revelation of the existence of a Turkish counterpart to Italy's [11]

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